Castro’s Stooge in South America
By Steve Bonta
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Source: The New American, May 20, 2002
Though
ousted by a recent coup, Venezuela’s Marxist President Hugo Chavez was
brought back to power by his goon squads — the Bolivarian Circles —
with a little help from Cuba. |
At
the recent Conference on Financing for Development in Monterrey,
Mexico, Venezuela’s Marxist President Hugo Chavez was one of the
centers of media attention. Poised and confident at a press conference,
Chavez parried aggressive questions with almost Clintonesque
self-assurance. What was his reaction to reports that the Bush
administration was “worried” about Venezuela? “I appreciate their
concern,” replied Chavez. “I am worried about the United States, too,
especially with all the problems they’re facing after September 11th.”
Was Chavez concerned about the crisis in Venezuela? “The crisis,” he
answered unwaveringly, “is ending.” But what about rumors of a coup
d’etat? “Nothing to worry about,” he scoffed. “Everything is under
control.”
Yet scarcely three weeks passed before a military coup
ousted Chavez. A popular strike and bloodshed in the streets of Caracas
— after Chavez supporters opened fire on crowds of anti-Chavez marchers
— convinced military leaders that the left-wing elected strongman was
unfit to rule.
However, two days after Chavez was removed from
Miraflores, the presidential palace, he returned triumphantly from
captivity to reclaim the presidency. By every indication, the
short-lived coup on April 11th was Hugo Chavez’ Bay of Pigs. Like the
failed coup against Castro 41 years ago, Chavez remains more firmly
entrenched than ever following the recent half-hearted attempt to
supplant him.
Checkered Career Chavez is no
stranger to coup attempts. In February 1992, the former paratrooper,
who had formed with fellow military officers the secret Revolutionary
Bolivarian Movement (MBR) to plot the overthrow of the government,
launched a violent but unsuccessful coup attempt in which 18 people
were killed. Nine months later, while Chavez languished in jail, other
MBR members attempted a second unsuccessful coup.
Chavez was
eventually pardoned and released from prison. He then turned the MBR
into an open political movement, the MVR or Movement of the Fifth
Republic. Running on a leftist populist platform, Chavez was elected
Venezuela’s president in December 1998. He lost no time in creating a
special assembly to rewrite the Venezuelan constitution, approved in
1999. He also has moved aggressively to strengthen state control over
Venezuela’s oil industry. Known for his outspoken — at times outrageous
— public persona, Chavez has called the Venezuelan oligarchy “squealing
pigs.”
Were those the only sins of Hugo Chavez, he’d rate no
more than brief mention as yet another socialism-spewing,
anti-American, third-world military despot. But during his checkered
career, Chavez has developed close relations with many of America’s
most dangerous enemies, including Iran, Iraq, Libya, and, most
notoriously, Cuba. He’s also in cahoots with Colombia’s vicious
Communist FARC and ELN guerrilla movements, and has been linked to a
number of other notorious terrorist movements such as Spain’s Basque
separatist group ETA.
“Cubanizing” Venezuela Most
alarming of all, Chavez is now trying to “Cubanize” Venezuela by means
of revolutionary committees known as “Bolivarian Circles.” These
circles are the key to Chavez’ power, and to his ability to outflank
the supporters of the recent coup attempt. Alejandro Peña Esclusa,
former presidential candidate in Venezuela and now leader of Fuerza
Solidaria, one of Venezuela’s major opposition groups, described in
detail to The New American the function of the Bolivarian Circles.
“Every time anyone demonstrates against Chavez,” he explained, “Chavez
sends his people to foment violence.... This has always taken place....
I’ve been the leader of four marches we organized last year. And on
those four occasions, the Bolivarian circles came to harass us.”
The
Bolivarian Circles are apparently modeled after Fidel Castro’s CDR
(Committee for the Defense of the Cuban Revolution, or Revolutionary
Block Committees). According to Peña Esclusa, the Chavez government has
openly acknowledged budgeting millions of dollars for the Bolivarian
Circles. The money has purchased both arms and training in
revolutionary tactics, and the Bolivarian Circles have become Chavez’
goon squads both within and without the government. By the first week
of April, for example, these “Chavistas” had brought Venezuela’s
National Assembly to a virtual standstill. Rowdy demonstrators
surrounded the assembly building and attacked legislators with rocks
and bottles when they tried to enter the building to work. “We’ve been
forced to suspend [congressional] sessions because nobody can work like
this, trying to vote while knowing that armed thugs are waiting
outside,” assembly member Cesar Perez told the Associated Press. “The
next time I go to the assembly, I’m going with a gun and a group of
party supporters ready to support me,” warned Pedro Pablo Alcantara,
another assemblyman.
Chavez’ investment in the Bolivarian
Circles paid handsome dividends during the recent crisis. These
revolutionaries were dispatched as usual to intimidate and harass the
massive demonstration coalescing on April 11th. More than half a
million people participated in the march towards Miraflores, according
to Peña Esclusa, a leader of the march and an eyewitness of the events
that followed. Peña Esclusa told The New American, “Until [April 11th],
the Bolivarian Circles had never opened fire. But until that day there
had never been a half million people marching to Miraflores.... The
largest had been on January 23rd, when there were 200,000 people, and
the Bolivarian Circles did put together a gigantic human shield. But
this time, we were so many. I’d never seen so many people in my life.
And the only way to stop the course of the march was by opening fire,
and that’s what they did.” Chaos ensued as Chavez’ armed thugs opened
fire from the streets and rooftops, and Chavez shut down five
television stations to prevent broadcasting the violence. Within hours,
members of the military leadership, who days earlier had publicly
pledged to stay out of the crisis, sent a delegation to Chavez to
demand his resignation, which he reluctantly gave. He was then taken
into military custody and an interim president, Pedro Carmona, was
installed.
But Carmona, to the disbelief and anger of his
supporters, immediately began to act like a dictator himself,
dissolving the national assembly and promising to hold elections at a
future, vaguely specified time. Says Peña Esclusa, “It was Chavez, bad
guy, versus Carmona, bad guy. And what fault was it of the people who
marched, that Carmona would have those characteristics? [What Carmona
did] wasn’t expected, was not foreseen.”
The Bolivarian Circles
seized the opportunity. The day after the coup, they regrouped and
rampaged through Caracas, looting, burning, and assaulting, and
generally sowing havoc. Not surprisingly, the police and military
fought back, giving the Chavistas another pretext for “resistance.”
Armed gangs seized television stations and began broadcasting
pro-Chavez propaganda. Certain members of the military then expressed
loyalty to Chavez and insisted on his return. Facing the prospect of
all-out civil war, the new government and its supporters in the
military backed down, and Chavez, who had been under military guard on
a Caribbean resort island, was returned to office.
Following
this stunning turn of events, Chavez had hundreds of opposition leaders
rounded up and arrested, and is promising to put them on trial. The
Venezuelan opposition, meanwhile, is badly shaken by the unexpected
reversal, but vows to continue the struggle. Furious opposition
leaders, some of whom refuse to recognize the Chavez government,
continue insisting that Chavez resign. “This is a façade of democracy,”
fumed Cesar Perez Vivas of the Social Christian Copei party. Peña
Esclusa sadly summed up the situation for The New American: “The
Bolivarian Circles are anxious to get back to doing what they did
before. Now they want total power. And those that are against Chavez
are furious that Chavez is in power again. And they’re angry that
Carmona tricked them.... I believe [a civil war] is possible, because
the country is completely fractured, much more than on April 11th, and
more decisively. That is, those who don’t want Chavez are ready to do
whatever it takes, provided that Chavez goes. And the Bolivarian
Circles, whom he pays, and who live off what the government pays them,
are ready to do whatever it takes to maintain their status.”
Behind the Bolivarian Circles Recent
events in Venezuela show the power of the committee-based revolutionary
model — applied successfully time and time again by leftist dictators
seeking power in the face of vociferous objections of a suspicious
majority. The Bolivarian Circles, by all accounts, constitute only a
tiny minority of Venezuelan society. But being a minority of ruthless,
carefully trained, and well-armed thugs, they’ve kept Chavez in power
despite widespread and deeply felt popular and even military opposition.
There’s
much more to the story of the Bolivarian Circles, however. Recent
reports suggest that their resemblance to Castro’s revolutionary
committees isn’t accidental. A number of observers inside and outside
Venezuela have accused Chavez of inviting Cuban subversives into
Venezuela to organize and advise the Circles. In a recent interview
with Miami-based newspaper Venezuela al Dia, Venezuelan journalists
Patricia Poleo and Ibeyise Pacheco claimed that Chavez’ innermost ring
of personal security is Cuban. There are also “Cuban functionaries
training people in the so-called Bolivarian Circles, not only in the
use of arms and in the application of violence, but also ideologically.
And there are camps dedicated to this in the state of Cojedes, and
military forts where [such] training is carried out. It’s also done
among the police affiliated with the government.” Peña Esclusa told The
New American that there is a lot of evidence to suggest that, indeed,
Chavez is Fidel Castro’s stooge in South America. “There are many
Cubans who have come to Venezuela by way of exchanges that have taken
place between the Cuban and Venezuelan governments, and there have
never been so many such exchanges with any government as there are
right now with Cuba,” he said. “There’s a lot of information that
suggests that the Bolivarian Circles are being advised by Cubans — that
is, they’re mostly made up of Venezuelans, but their mode of operation
and their advisors are Cuban.” Peña Esclusa went on to disclose that
during last December’s demonstrations, he obtained personal evidence of
Cuban involvement: “When we carried out our march on December 7th
towards the presidential palace, we placed people on the other side —
that is, people who infiltrated the Bolivarian Circles to tell us how
things were going and how dangerous it would be to continue the march.
And those people heard among the Bolivarian Circles people speaking
with Cuban accents.”
Toward a Latin American Superstate What’s
going on in Venezuela? Hugo Chavez, besides being a Marxist, is also
fanatically dedicated to the vision of Simon Bolivar, the revolutionary
leader who liberated much of South America from Spanish rule in the
early 1800s. Bolivar’s dream was to unite most of Latin America under a
single government. Originally, Bolivar organized the newly liberated
territories of Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama into a single
superstate known as Greater Colombia, to which he planned to add Chile,
Bolivia, and Peru. But national passions rapidly undermined the
alliance, especially between Colombia and Venezuela. In a vain effort
to preserve the union, Bolivar declared himself dictator in 1825, only
to lose prestige and see his union dissolve into separate nations.
Chavez,
who lists Simon Bolivar as his inspiration (and after whom he’s named
his Bolivarian Circles), is apparently working to recreate Bolivar’s
Latin American superstate under Marxist rule. He’s forged close ties
with Colombia’s FARC and ELN Marxist guerrilla armies, who have managed
to conquer a huge swath of Colombian territory (with the aid of the
United States government, which encourages the drawn-out farce of
“peace talks” in Colombia and forbids the Colombian government from
using — for counter-insurgency purposes — any helicopters and other
military hardware sold to the Colombian government). Venezuela now
provides safe havens for FARC guerrillas, who often flee across the
border to escape pursuing Colombian troops. Chavez has also been, since
1995, one of the leaders of the Sao Paulo Forum, a shadowy Latin
American coalition of left-wing terrorist outfits and political parties
founded by Fidel Castro and Luis Inacio “Lula” da Silva, the hard-left
leader of the Brazilian Worker’s Party and three-time Brazilian
presidential candidate.
The roster of participants in the
Forum’s most recent confab reads like a Who’s Who of Latin American
Communist subversives and insurgents: the Brazilian, Argentinian,
Colombian, Cuban, Chilean, Peruvian, Uruguayan, and Venezuelan
Communist Parties were all included, along with Peru’s Tupac Amaru
revolutionaries (responsible for numerous bombings, kidnappings, and
assassinations in Peru); El Salvador’s FMLN, who have carried on a
decades-long insurgency; Colombia’s FARC and ELN; and many others. The
Forum meets every year in a major Latin American city, and is directed
by Castro, da Silva, former Nicaraguan Marxist President Daniel Ortega,
and Hugo Chavez.
According to Peña Esclusa, “Chavez has as his
political objective to turn Venezuela into a center of operations to
expand the power of Fidel Castro and of the Sao Paulo Forum throughout
Latin America. It’s been this way since he took power.” Hugo Chavez is
clearly a crucial cog in a much larger machine, a new drive to
“Cubanize” all of Latin America. And the Red tide is rising. Peru’s
Marxist insurgents, once on the run thanks to a successful campaign by
Peru’s former president Alberto Fujimori to defeat them, are back in
the news; the Tupac Amaru were responsible for detonating a powerful
bomb near the American embassy in Lima just before President Bush’s
visit to Peru last month. Daniel Ortega is still very active in
Nicaraguan politics, and Luis da Silva is the odds-on favorite to win
Brazil’s next presidential election. If this trend continues, the
prospect of a pan-Latin American Marxist threat might allow proponents
of President Bush’s own FTAA scheme to pose as respectable moderates
and to advance their own plans for a hemisphere-wide superstate.
Hugo
Chavez is an important asset for leftist internationalists who’ve long
been working to transform Latin America into a Marxist conclave. Chavez
has access to vast oil revenues and world economic leverage that Castro
has always lacked. He’s sold oil to Cuba at preferential rates to help
keep the Castro dictatorship afloat, and he’s using government funds,
much of which come from state-owned oil corporations, to finance the
Bolivarian Circles keeping him in power. What’s more, as the current
president of the Group of 77, a UN-based coalition of 133 third-world
nations wielding considerable influence at events like the recent
Monterrey Conference, Chavez is politically one of the best-positioned
Third World leaders on the international stage.
Had the recent
coup d’etat succeeded, the power base of Latin America’s reinvigorated
Marxist movement, spearheaded by Fidel Castro and his keepers, might
have been severely undercut. But as long as Hugo Chavez remains in
power, he will continue to finance and foment Marxism and terrorism
abroad even as he consolidates power at home, and the peoples of
Venezuela, Colombia, and other Latin American countries ravaged by debt
and Communist subversion will be the worse off for it.
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