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Globalism’s Growing Grasp
By Gary Benoit
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Source: The New American, February 28, 2000
The
cause of world government is coming out of the closet and into the
open. But behind the mask of a benign new world order lies the true
face of tyranny. |
The
United States has too much government because the American people have
allowed a conspiracy to destroy the substance of the American
constitutional system, the whole purpose of which was to limit the
power of government. And now, the destroyers who have already done such
great damage are seeking first to popularize the concept, and then
actually to bring about the condition, of “interdependence” with
dictatorships, tyrannies and world government.
— John F. McManus, The John Birch Society Bulletin, July 1975
For
decades, the John Birch Society has spread word of the Conspiracy: The
international bankers who pull all the strings. The ones who really
control both the Communist conspiracy and the United States government.
The Trilateral Commission. The Federal Reserve, which is ruining our
money. The Council on Foreign Relations — psst, they’re out to destroy
the Constitution, take away our guns, and enslave us in a United
Nations One-World Communist government. Their code words: “New World
Order.”
— Ira Straus, Christian Science Monitor, May 13, 1996 ‘‘When
I joined the John Birch Society in 1964, the American people, except
for the ‘better Red than dead’ minority, were almost universally
opposed to world government and would not have tolerated any sudden or
overt surrender of U.S. sovereignty,” recalls John McManus in an
interview for this article. “The architects for global control have had
to proceed slowly, so as not to tip their hand. They have had to put in
place rather rudimentary structures for global control in the hope that
these structures would later be given more power and become more highly
developed.”
Mr. McManus is now the president of the John Birch
Society as well as the publisher of THE NEW AMERICAN, an affiliate of
the JBS. “Even today, in spite of decades of propaganda in support of
more internationalism, most Americans are still opposed to world
government,” he says. “Yet the globalists’ stealth strategy has now
proceeded to a point that their long-sought-after world government —
which is now coalescing around the WTO/NAFTA/IMF/NATO/UN axis — is
becoming much more visible, not just to the politically astute but to
the man on the street. But this great awakening has not kept the major
media from continuing to take pot shots at the John Birch Society and
from deriding what they call ‘conspiracy theories.’”
Often the
media characterize such “conspiracy theories” not merely as paranoid
but as dangerous. “Conspiracy theory is doing America real harm,” Ira
Straus wrote in his Christian Science Monitor op-ed column quoted
above. “Long incubating underground, it has grown into the greatest
enslaver of human minds since communism. It irrationalizes thinking on
every issue. It kills. It turns millions of Americans against their own
country. It undermines foreign policy by vilifying our government’s
every effort.”
Straus’ theme is echoed ad nauseam by other media
organs, which often dismiss those who oppose world government — or, for
that matter, the exercise of extra-constitutional powers by the federal
government — as “anti-government” extremists. At times, responsible
opponents of the new world order are unfairly juxtaposed with hate
groups or are accused of fostering hatreds that culminate in criminal
and terrorist acts. “What is the milieu in which criminal groups of
‘freemen’ and Oklahoma City bombers grow?” Straus asked. “It is the
underworld of conspiracy theory, a subculture in which people share
fantasies of fighting heroically against a huge Conspiracy that is
taking over the world.”
Open Admissions But the
accumulation of power in the hands of a world authority is no fantasy —
and neither is the patient planning behind it. Strangely, admissions to
this effect are no longer buried in Insider publications but are
appearing with greater frequency in the mainstream media, the same
media that warns against “conspiracy theories” and “anti-government”
extremists.
Consider, as Exhibit A, the cover story in the
January 17th issue of The New Republic. The provocative headline on the
cover states: “America is surrendering its sovereignty to a world
government. Hooray.” Inside, teaser copy above a less descriptive title
(“Continental Drift”) proclaims: “World government is coming. Deal with
it.” The author of the piece, Robert Wright, notes that, “in recent
years, more and more people have raised the specter of world
government” and have sensed “an alarming concentration of planetary
power in one or more acronyms: WTO, U.N., IMF, and so forth.” “Of
course,” he continues, “these people … are widely considered fringe
characters — flaky, if not loony. And their eccentric visions have been
punctured by legions of sober observers.”
However, says Wright,
“this may be one of those cases when the flaky are closer to the truth
than the sober. Much power now vested in the nation-state is indeed
starting to migrate to international institutions, and one of these is
the WTO [World Trade Organization]. This doesn’t mean that two or three
decades from now we’ll see world government in the classic sense of the
term — a single, central planetary authority. But world government of a
meaningful if more diffuse sort is probably in the cards.... And,
what’s more, it’s a good idea.” To the contrary, it’s not a “good
idea”; it would become less diffuse over time; and it would be used as
an instrument of authoritarian control by the would-be rulers of the
world. But if Wright were to adopt those conclusions, he would
instantly be regarded as an exponent of “extremism” rather than of
“respectable opinion.”
For Exhibit B, consider globalist Henry
Grunwald’s candid admissions in his January 1st Wall Street Journal
op-ed article entitled “A World Without a Country?” and subtitled “Not
right away. But the idea of the nation-state is in for some profound
changes.” Grunwald, former editor in chief of Time Inc. and former U.S.
ambassador to Austria, is a member of the nongovernmental Council on
Foreign Relations (CFR), a pillar of the American establishment and a
promoter of global governance. In his Journal article, Grunwald
predicts that the “nation-state will undergo sharp limitations of its
sovereignty” and that, “just as the old, petty principalities had to
dissolve into the wider nation-state, the nation-state will have to
dissolve into wider structures.” Moreover: “[I]t will be increasingly
difficult for the future nation-state to argue that its treatments of
its own citizens is a purely internal matter. Less dramatic forms of
international law will also increasingly restrain the nation-state,
touching on environment, drugs, communications, air and ocean traffic.”
Grunwald
imagines that the “nation-state” will continue to exist in this
emerging new world order, if only to provide an appearance of flags and
nationhood. “[P]eople need more from a state than practical services,”
he reasons. “They need inspiration and some sort of spiritual uplift.
That is why the forms and trappings of the nation-state will be with us
for a long time, although perhaps only as a kind of ceremonial show
business.”
For Exhibit C, consider veteran newsman Walter
Cronkite’s call for “an international rule of law” in his January 28th
interview on the BBC. Cronkite, who anchored the CBS evening news
program for almost 20 years, has been referred to by the BBC and others
as “America’s most trusted man.” In his interview, he stated that “we
need not only an executive to make international law, but we need the
military forces to enforce that law and the judicial system to bring
the criminals to justice....” The “American people are going to begin
to realize that perhaps they are going to have to yield some
sovereignty to an international body to enforce world law,” he
predicted, “and I think that’s going to come to other people as well.”
Clinton Connection In
his clarion calls for world government, Cronkite is not waxing
philosophical about what he hopes will evolve over the next millennium.
Last October 19th, when he accepted the World Federalist Association’s
(WFA’s) “Norman Cousins Global Governance Award,” he implored his
fellow one-worlders: “We cannot defer this responsibility to posterity.
Time will not wait. Democracy, civilization itself, is at stake. Within
the next few years we must change the basic structure of our global
community from the present anarchic system of war and ever more
destructive weaponry to a new system governed by a democratic UN
federation.” He also stated that “the first priority of humankind in
this era is to establish an effective system of world law” and that “we
must strengthen the United Nations as a first step toward a world
government patterned after our own government with a legislature,
executive and judiciary, and police....”
On the occasion of the
WFA’s tribute to Cronkite, First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton
congratulated him for having received the Global Governance Award.
“[T]hank you Walter, thank you for inspiring all of us to build a more
peaceful and just world,” she gushed. “We are still listening to your
every word. And with your continuing leadership, we can sail across
these unnavigated seas into the 21st century. And there’s no better
captain I can imagine, than you.”
“For more than a generation in
America, it wasn’t the news, until Walter Cronkite, told us it was the
news,” Hillary recalled. “For decades you told us, ‘the way it is.’ But
tonight we honor you for fighting for ‘the way it could be.’” Never
mind that the cause for which Cronkite was being honored was the cause
of world government, and world government would mean the loss of the
U.S. Constitution — the document to which her husband had sworn
allegiance.
But President Clinton himself had already praised an
earlier recipient of the Norman Cousins Global Governance Award,
then-U.S. Ambassador at Large Strobe Talbott, for having earned this
“distinguished” honor. That praise came in the form of a written
statement dated June 22, 1993, which was read at the award ceremony two
days later. Therein Mr. Clinton approvingly noted that WFA founder
Norman Cousins had “worked for world peace and world government” and
that Talbott’s “lifetime achievements as a voice for global harmony
have earned him this recognition.”
The previous year Talbott had
written an article for Time magazine entitled “The Birth of the Global
Nation” (July 20, 1992 issue), wherein he argued the case for world
government. He also gave his forecast of the future: “nationhood as we
know it will be obsolete; all states will recognize a single, global
authority.” “[I]t has taken the events in our own wondrous and terrible
century to clinch the case for world government,” he said.
Talbott’s
advocacy for world government did not prevent President Clinton from
inviting him into his administration, where he now serves as Deputy
Secretary of State. How could it? Both Talbott and Clinton are members
of the world-government-promoting Council on Foreign Relations, as are
almost 500 other U.S. government officials. In addition, both are also
“members in public service” of the Trilateral Commission, an even more
exclusive establishmentarian club greasing the skids for global
governance.
The WTO and Beyond President Clinton
explicitly referred to “world government” in his written statement to
the WFA. In more public settings, he has not been so explicit,
preferring instead to use more innocuous-sounding terminology such as
“globalization.” His meaning is clear enough, however, for those
observers who know how to read between the lines.
In his January
29th address to the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Mr.
Clinton stated that “greater economic integration and political
cooperation are positive forces.” And in case any of the assembled
political, business, and economic leaders were in doubt as to his
meaning of “integration” and “cooperation” (Mr. Clinton, as we know,
sometimes assigns novel meanings to ordinary words), he called for
“rules-based trade” under a strengthened WTO. “[W]e all have to play by
the rules and abide by the WTO decisions,” he added, “whether we win or
whether we lose.” That is, nations must not be allowed to set their own
trade policies but must instead abide by the dictates of the WTO.
Mr.
Clinton’s vision for global regulation extends far beyond trade. “Those
who believe globalization is only about market economics … are
wrong...,” he said. “We have a well-developed WTO for dealing with the
trade issues. We don’t have very well-developed institutions for
dealing with the social issues, the environmental issues, the labor
issues, and no forum within which they can all be integrated.” And
that, Mr. Clinton complained, is why people were “in the streets”
protesting the WTO.
Last October 8th, Mr. Clinton made an
appearance at the first Forum of Federation Conference in
Mont-Tremblant, Canada, to talk about “the ways we in the United States
are working to renew and redefine federalism” and how he sees “the
whole concept of federalism emerging internationally.” Mr. Clinton told
the assembly, “It is fitting that the first global conference would be
held here in North America, because federalism began here — a founding
principle forged in the crucible of revolution, enshrined in the
Constitution of the United States....” Yet the new species of
federalism he envisions for the 21st century is not confined to the
division of powers within the borders of nations but entails global
federation. Predicting that there will be “more [of this species of]
federalism rather than less in the years ahead,” he cited “as Exhibit A
the European Union [EU].”
As Mr. Clinton put it, the EU is “a
new form of federalism, where the states — in this case, the nations of
Europe — are far more important and powerful than the federal
government [of Europe], but they are giving enough functions over to
the federal government to sort of reinforce their mutual interest in an
integrated economy, and in some integrated political circumstances.”
What he did not mention is that the EU is gradually becoming more
powerful than the individual nations of Europe, in much the same way
that the U.S. government has gradually usurped powers that, in our
federal system, are reserved to the states.
The United States of Europe The
EU did not acquire its present powers instantly but in a series of
steps that began decades ago. It was once known as the Common Market
but was renamed the European Economic Community, then the European
Community, then the European Union as its powers accumulated. In the
beginning it was presented to Western Europeans as a “free trade”
arrangement designed to facilitate the flow of goods and people — much
as the more recent WTO and NAFTA arrangements are being presented. But
instead of genuine free trade the incipient European government put in
place a system of regulated trade and established a single European
currency known as the euro. This economic unification is now leading to
political unification.
This expanded role for the EU was not
accidental. THE NEW AMERICAN accurately projected the lines when it
warned in its April 10, 1989 issue: “the much-touted ‘free-market
reforms’ are really only bait laid out to entice Europeans into the
trap of an (eventually) all-powerful supranational government.” That
same year a European Community document admitted: “economic integration
is not meant to be an end in itself but merely an intermediate stage on
the road to political integration.” Now, says Henry Grunwald in his
Journal op-ed article, “Brussels [the seat of the EU] prescribes
everything from working conditions to the contents of cheese. More
astonishingly, the euro is replacing once-sacrosanct national
currencies. The process will repeat itself elsewhere in the world.”
(Emphasis added.)
That’s the idea, of course. Robert Wright
predicts in The New Republic that “WTO rulings will probably become
more binding, whether through sheer custom or through tougher
sanctions.” But in so doing, “The WTO isn’t breaking new ground....
It’s following in the footsteps of a body that’s much further down the
road of supranational governance: the European Union.” It is not
surprising, therefore, that the globalist President in the White House
sees the EU as a model for other regional and global trade arrangements
such as NAFTA and the WTO. Nor is it surprising that Mr. Clinton
supports these stepping stones to regional and global governance — or
that he is now calling for an expansion of WTO powers to include
international labor standards, a significant step made more politically
palatable by the demands of the labor union demonstrators in Seattle.
Wright is on target when he observes: “For an American president to say
that global laws on the treatment of workers should be enforced with
real sanctions authorized by a worldwide body was a milestone in the
evolution of global governance.”
A Government of the World The
WTO is just one of the planks in the house of world order that is now
being erected. Writing in the April 1974 issue of the CFR journal
Foreign Affairs, Richard N. Gardner explained that this house “will
have to be built from the bottom up rather than from the top down. It
will look like a great ‘booming, buzzing confusion,’ … but an end run
around national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece, will accomplish
much more than the old-fashioned frontal assault.”
Gardner
specifically mentioned seeking new rules “for the conduct of
international trade,” and a strengthening of the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT), as intermediate steps on the road to world
order. (Years later a new GATT agreement gave birth to the WTO.) But he
listed a number of other steps as well, including “a continued
strengthening of the new global and regional agencies charged with
protecting the world’s environment” and a revitalization of the
International Monetary Fund. “In short,” he wrote, “the case-by-case
approach can produce some remarkable concessions of ‘sovereignty’ that
could not be achieved on an across-the-board basis.”
Gardner’s
article, entitled “The Hard Road to World Order,” was not written to
the uninitiated but to his fellow CFR coterie. His desire for world
government, and his piece-by-piece approach for achieving it, no doubt
“qualified” him for the several foreign policy posts he has held over
the years, including U.S. ambassador to Spain in the Clinton
administration.
If all goes according to plan, the United
Nations will become the nucleus of the incipient world government,
around which the other globalist bodies would revolve. Of course, the
UN was not originally established as a government, any more than the
European Common Market was. But the UN was originally established as
the framework for a world government. In 1950, globalist insider John
Foster Dulles, who later became U.S. Secretary of State in the
Eisenhower administration, revealed as much when he wrote in his book
War or Peace: “The United Nations represents not a final stage in the
development of world order, but only a primitive stage. Therefore its
primary task is to create the conditions which will make possible a
more highly developed organization.” UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan
expressed a similar view in a speech at UN headquarters on January 14th
of this year, when he stated that “a framework of international law has
[already] been built” during the UN’s first half-century.
According
to Annan, “Local communities have their fire departments and town
councils. Nations have their courts and legislatures. In today’s
interdependent world, the peoples of the world must have the rules and
institutions they need to manage their lives....” By this he meant
world government, as he had made even clearer a month earlier, in a
December 14, 1999 press conference: “every community needs rules. The
international community needs them as much as a local community or a
district.... [T]he challenge on the global level — what I will call
global governance — is something that is going to confront us all very,
very starkly.”
In his January 14th speech, Annan called for “a
new, more broadly defined, more widely conceived definition of national
interest” — a definition based on the premise that, “in a growing
number of challenges facing humanity, the collective interest is often
the national interest.” (Emphasis added.) One area in which the UN has
been increasingly active in redefining the national interest as the
collective is the area of human rights. “Where once these humanitarian
crises might have been considered internal matters,” said Annan in his
January 14th speech, “today the balance seems to be shifting — shifting
towards an international community willing to uphold human rights for
all.” Based on this doctrine, the UN has intervened many times over the
years in the internal affairs of nations, from the tragedy of Katanga
in the 1960s to that of Somalia in this decade. The UN, though, also
seeks to intervene based on criteria other than so-called human rights.
Those criteria include the environment, disarmament, discrimination,
drug trafficking, and terrorism — all of which, according to Annan, are
“problems without borders.” If Kofi Annan is allowed to make his
grandiose vision for the UN a reality, it would be hard to imagine any
human endeavor falling outside the UN’s jurisdiction.
Step-by-step Usurpation Kofi
Annan’s rantings notwithstanding, the only way the UN could ever gain
control over the United States would be for U.S. leaders to surrender
power to the UN. For this reason, the unchecked globalist policies of
President Clinton are far more troubling than those of Annan.
But
the U.S. government’s globalist agenda existed long before Mr.
Clinton’s rise to power. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy submitted
to the UN a three-stage disarmament proposal entitled Freedom From War
(a.k.a. State Department Publication 7277). It stipulated: “In Stage
III progressive controlled disarmament and continuously developing
principles and procedures of international law would proceed to a point
where no state [nation] would have the military power to challenge the
progressively strengthened U.N. Peace Force....” The following year
this same subversive scheme was incorporated into another State
Department document entitled Blueprint for the Peace Race, and in that
form has remained the official policy of the U.S. government ever since.
In
1978, the UN General Assembly adopted by consensus a UN document on
disarmament known as the Final Document. Not surprisingly, it
stipulated a policy similar to that of the U.S. In the words of the
Final Document: “General and complete disarmament under strict and
effective international control shall permit States to have at their
disposal only those non-nuclear forces, armaments, facilities and
establishments as are agreed to be necessary to maintain internal order
and protect the personal security of citizens and in order that States
shall support and provide agreed manpower for a United Nations peace
force.”
Were the UN to acquire the military clout stipulated by
both U.S. and UN documents, it would be more powerful than any national
government. Although that has not yet occurred, a dangerous step in
that direction is the use of American forces as a surrogate army for
the UN or NATO (the latter a regional arrangement authorized by the UN
Charter). Such was the case when Mr. Bush sent U.S. forces to Iraq, and
such was the case when Mr. Clinton sent U.S. forces to Kosovo. Other
dangerous UN usurpations to watch out for include:
- An
International Criminal Court (ICC): The U.S. has not ratified the ICC
treaty, which would go into effect when ratified by 60 nations.
Nonetheless, according to the treaty the ICC would possess the
authority to arrest and try citizens of any country — regardless of
whether or not the country agreed to the treaty. This would include
American soldiers accused of war crimes.
- Global
environmental controls: The UN’s 1992 “Earth Summit” in Rio de Janeiro
approved a mammoth proposal known as Agenda 21, which would regulate
myriad activities to achieve “sustainable development” and cost
hundreds of billions of dollars to implement. The UN’s proposed Kyoto
(global warming) treaty, not ratified by the United States, would
mandate a radical reduction in so-called greenhouse gases in the
developed nations, thereby restricting industrial production.
- Global
gun control: The UN’s “Report of the Group of Governmental Experts on
Small Arms,” submitted by Annan to the UN General Assembly on August
19th of last year, recommends that nations “exercise effective control
over the legal possession of small arms [including revolvers],” and
“consider the prohibition of unrestricted trade and private ownership
of small arms and light weapons specifically designed for military
purposes....”
- International taxation: The United Nations
Development Program’s (UNDP’s) Human Development Report 1999 suggests a
number of taxing schemes, including “polluter-pays charges on global
pollution”; “rents or royalties on the use of such ‘global commons’ as
under-seabed mineral resources or radio waves”; “taxes on such items as
international air tickets”; “a charge on short-term financial
movements” — and even a “‘bit tax’ … on the amount of data sent through
the Internet.”
The Human Development Report also proposes
a global central bank, a world environment agency, an expanded mandate
for the WTO, and “a two-chamber General Assembly to allow for civil
society representation.” The latter proposal would create the
appearance of a “democratic” UN, exercising its authority in the name
of all of humanity.
Get US out! Appearances aside, a
world government under the UN would be a nightmare, not a blessing, for
mankind. A single planetary authority powerful enough to enforce world
peace would also be powerful enough to enforce world tyranny. The
latter would be the inevitable consequence, not only because such an
extraordinary concentration of power would have an extraordinary
corrupting influence, but also because of the despotic regimes that
infect the UN and the flawed nature of the UN system itself.
In
the American constitutional system, powers are divided between the
states and the federal government — with the latter possessing few
powers, all of which are enumerated. Those enumerated powers are
further divided among three branches of government, and those branches
possess constitutional means to check each other. The UN does not
possess these kinds of constitutional safeguards to prevent the abuse
of power. Moreover, UN human rights declarations are in actuality
socialist manifestos calling for a vast expansion of government power.
What corrupt politicians have thus far been able to accomplish in
subverting the American constitutional system would be minuscule
compared to what they could accomplish in a socialistic world
government.
In fact, the absorption of America into such a world
government would mean the elimination of the U.S. Constitution, the
Bill of Rights, and the very existence of the American republic.
Moreover, it would mean the unbridled exercise of raw power resulting
in untold death and misery.
Fortunately, the means to save the
American republic from the increasingly open UN conspiracy were wisely
bequeathed to posterity by the Founding Fathers in the form of the
Constitution and the U.S. Congress. It is now more important than ever
for the American people to use these tools to preserve a legacy of
independence and freedom by urging their senators and representatives
to Get US out! of the United Nations.
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